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individuals were willing to in ict a harmful electric shock on a learner (Milgram, 1963), as well as the prison experiment of Zimbardo and his colleagues (Haney, Banks, & Zimbardo, 1973), which demonstrated that individuals who had been thrust into the role relationships of guards and prisoners in a simulated prison behaved in ways that re ected these positions, with the guards behaving abusively and the prisoners becoming passive It also may be seen in recent lines of inquiry on such topics as individuals limited conscious access to their cognitive processes, priming effects, and the mere exposure effect (Bargh, 1996; Bornstein, Kale, & Cornell, 1990; Zimbardo, Banks, Haney, & Jaffe, 1973) Social psychological work of this type has shown that contexts affect behavior in ways that do not depend on conscious mediation and that may even violate individuals conscious expectations and motivational inclinations.

Supplementing this focus on the power of situations to affect behavior, it has also been documented that individual differences in uence the meaning accorded to situations This attention to individual differences is evident not only in work on personality processes but also in the attention given to cognitive and motivational schemas as sources of individual variability in behavior Individual difference dimensions, however, typically are accorded a secondary role to situational in uences within social psychological theory They are believed to affect the display of certain basic psychological dimensions, but they are not often implicated in normative models of psychological phenomena To give a representative example of such a stance, the theory of communal and exchange relationships has been forwarded to distinguish qualitatively between relationships that are based on need versus those based on exchange considerations (Mills & Clark, 1982).

In this model, individual differences are invoked only in a descriptive sense (ie, to distinguish between persons who are more or less likely to adopt each type of orientation) and not in a theoretical sense (that is, to identify distinctive approaches to relationships beyond those speci ed in the original conceptual model) The crucial point is that the approach to situations that dominates social psychological inquiry treats contexts as presenting one most veridical structure that can be known through inductive or deductive information processing No consideration is given to the possibility that culture is necessarily implicated in the de nition of situations or that cultural presuppositions constitute prerequisites of what is considered objective knowledge.

If you want to know the name of the active workbook, use a statement like this:

It is assumed that variability in judgment arises from differences in the information available to individuals or from differences in their informationprocessing abilities, resulting in certain judgments being more or less cognitively adequate or veridical than others.

34 M Maekawa, A n1/2 algorithm for mutual exclusion in decentralized systems, ACM Transactions on Computer Systems, 14, 159, 1985 35 J P Macker and M S Corson, Mobile ad hoc networking and the IETF, Mobile Computing and Communications Review, 2, 1, 9 14, 1998 36 A B McDonald and T F Znati, A mobility-based framework for adaptive clustering in wireless ad hoc networks, IEEE Journal Selected Areas in Communications, 17, 8, 1466 1487, 1999 37 http://mashcsberkeleyedu/ns 38 R Nelson and L Kleinrock, The spatial capacity of a slotted ALOHA multihop packet radio network with capture, IEEE Transactions on Communications, 32, 6, 684 694, 1984 39 S Y Ni, Y C Tseng, Y S Chen, and J P Sheu, The broadcast storm problem in a mobile ad hoc network, Proceedings MOBICOM, Seattle, Aug, 1999, pp 151 162 40 A Okabe, B Boots, and K.